In every society, kins are known by the terms used for them. They can be ‘terms of address’ or ‘terms of reference’. A ‘term of reference’ is a formal term used to describe a relationship. But when the person referred to is addressed, a different term may be used—this is called a ‘term of address’. For example, ‘Father’ (Fa) is a term of reference, but the children may address him as ‘Papa’, ‘Daddy’, ‘Bapu’, or ‘Kaka sa’. These are terms of address.
There is another mode of address, where the person is referred to as a relative of so and so. This is especially true of the term ‘Husband’ in many parts of India. Husband is a term of reference, but no wife addresses her spouse by this term. In northern India, a wife may refer to him as ‘father or brother of so and so’. This is also observed among the matriarchal Khasis of Assam, where the WiMo (mother-in-law) does not employ the equivalent of son-in-law for her DaHu, but addresses him as Father of her Daughter’s children. This practice is technically called Teknonymy. The rationale for this may differ from society to society. The Khasis use teknonymy to suggest that the son-in-law is important only as a progenitor of the daughter’s children. In Mewar, it is considered disrespectful to call the husband by his name. To strengthen this practice, it is said that calling the husband by his name reduces the life of the woman by one year! So strong is this belief that when, during my fieldwork in Mewar, I asked an elderly widow to tell the name of her deceased husband, she teknonymously referred to him as ‘the one who was wedded to Sitaji’—she was referring to Ram, the hero of Ramayana! Ram was the name of her husband.
In each society, one finds a distinct vocabulary for designating these relationships, which also indicate the social prestige attached to each relationship. These may be classificatory or particularizing (descriptive) terms.
When a term is used only for a particular genealogical status and no other person, it is a particularizing or descriptive term—for example, father and mother in most cultures. But in many parts of northern India, the same terms are also used for FaBr and FaBrWi respectively. Such terms then become classificatory. It is important to note that classificatory terms of this type are generally used as terms of address; the terms of reference for these relationships may still be particularizing. Technically, one’s FaBrWi is a tertiary relative; calling her ‘mother’ (Mo) implies converting a tertiary relationship into a primary one. This mode of addressing (not referring) in a given society is suggestive of the regard paid to a person of that status. Similarly, a common term for MoBr and HuFa may suggest that in that society, a girl is expected to be married to the son of her Mother’s Brother. In south India, a common term is used for MoBr and Hu, because marriage of a girl with her MoBr is permitted; the MoBr is a potential Husband.
When a particularizing term for a primary relative such as Son or Daughter or Mother is used for distant relatives, it suggests that that particular relationship, despite the kinship distance, ‘is as good as’ the primary relationship. The same kinship term employed for a class of relatives suggests that ideally, all of them would receive the same sort of treatment because of an identical status.
Several instances of the use of classificatory terms are found in almost all societies. The term Aja is used by the Sema Nagas for Mo, FaBrWi and MoSi, and the term Apu for Fa, FaBr and MoSiHu. ‘Among Angami Naga, shi stands for elder brother; wife’s elder sister; husband’s elder brother; elder sister’s husband; elder brother’s wife; mother’s brother’s wife; father’s brother’s wife. Thus here we find the same term being used for members of the opposite sex’ (Majumdar and Madan, 1956: 109). In English, we use ‘uncle’ and ‘aunt’ as classificatory terms, but in Hindi we have different terms for people covered under these umbrella terms: tau and tai (for Fa’ elder Br and his wife respectively), Chacha and chachi (for Fa’ younger Br and his wife respectively); similarly, there are other particularizing terms for MoBr (mama) and MoBrWi (mami); MoSi (mausi) and MoSiHu (mausa). Similarly, the children of FaBr are called chachera; of MoBr are Mamera; and of MoSi are Mausera—all of whom are known in English by the common term cousin. In fact, the word cousin is used for persons of either sex’, whereas in Hindi the above terms are prefixed to the word Bhai (brother) and Bahin (sister).
In 1909, Alfred Kroeber (pp. 77–84) identified eight principles of kinship distinctions found in various societies round the world. These are:
- Difference in generation levels (Fa, So, Grandparent, Grandchild, etc.).
- Difference in age levels within the same generation (elder and younger).
- Difference between lineal and collateral relationship (Father, Uncle, Brother, Cousin, etc.).
- Difference in sex of relatives (Brother, Sister, Uncle, Aunt, etc.).
- Difference in sex of the speaker.
- Difference in sex of the person through whom the relationship is established (FaBr, MoBr, FaFa, MoFa, FaFaSiDaDa, etc.).
- Difference between genetic relatives and those connected by marriage (Si, Mo, HuMo, WiSi, etc.).
- Difference in status or life condition of the person through whom the relationship is established (as being living or dead, single or married, etc.).
Not all principles are employed in all societies. For example, in societies of the West, only principles 1, 3, 4 and 7 are employed. Among the Comanche tribe, on the other hand, the first seven principles are employed. Thus, it is helpful to use these principles to classify the different systems of kinship terminology.
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