In the previous section, we focused on the family and its extensions. As the basic unit of society, family—particularly the conjugal unit and the nuclear family—is the smallest group, with its members linked either through marriage or birth. We also noticed that such people live together in different types of residential arrangements, and the people living together follow either the principle of matrilocal or patrilocal residence, or some variation of it. When such groups become too large, they break up into smaller entities. Such a chain of changes in the size and composition of the family is part of the domestic cycle. We can now see how authority, family resources and blood relationship are inherited.
Figure 9.11 Types of Families Based on Lines of Descent
Basically, societies of the world are divided into two main categories, matriarchal and patriarchal. Since there is a preponderance of patriarchal societies, most of us are aware of its essential features. In patriarchal societies, people are linked to one another from the paternal side—called patriliny; they derive their surnames from the father’s side—called patronymy; upon marriage, the young couple comes to reside with the parents of the groom—called patrilocal residence. Descent, in terms of lineage and inheritance, is also patrilineal.
In matriarchal societies we see the obverse, characterized by matriliny, matronymy, matrilocal residence and matrilineal descent.
When we relate these categories to real societies, we discover that not all societies fit into these set categories. Societies have worked out several combinations and have evolved unique ways of dealing with these problems. The example of Susu is one such instance. Leela Dube studied the island people of Laccadives (Lakshadweep) who observe matriliny but practice Islam—a religion based on the principle of patriarchy.17
Kingroup
In a small community such as a primitive tribe, one may face a situation where every member of society is related to one another either through blood—consanguineally—or through marriage—affinally. If all relatives from both the parents’ and spouse’s sides are included, then no one will be left out in a small community. But in social interactions, people first approach those considered close, more so in familial relationships.
Each culture develops some principles for establishing priorities, whereby individuals decide which particular group of kinsmen they should turn to first for material aid, emotional support and ceremonial services. This problem is solved by the rule of descent, which defines the line of ancestry. They are close blood relatives. Such a definition takes membership away from certain individuals upon their marriage, and accommodates those who enter the group via marriage. Thus, in patrilineal societies, a daughter loses her family membership and becomes a member of her husband’s family; this is signified by the change of her surname. And she is replaced by another woman who enters her parental family via marriage with a male relative of hers.
Relatives through blood are technically termed consanguineal or cognates. They are either agnates (related through father) or uterine (related through mother). Agnates are thus patrilineal, and the uterines, matrilineal. Both types are part of unilineal descent. Such descent (also called unilateral) is the line of affiliation through one parent and through lineal ascending and descending relatives of the same sex. This results in either matrilineal or patrilineal descent.
Societies that follow bilateral descent (also called multilateral) associate a child with a group of very close relatives, irrespective of whether they are from the father’s side or the mother’s. According to Murdock, in bilateral descent ‘social affiliation corresponds to actual genealogical relationship, being traced equally through all lineal relatives of a given ascending generation without regard to the sex of the relative or of connecting relatives’ (Murdock, 1940: 555–61). In this system, some kinsmen from the father’s side and some from the mother’s side are excluded, and the child is thus affiliated to a special group drawn from both sides. Such kinsmen constitute his kindred; they are the child’s closest relatives. The kindred composition will be the same for siblings, but will not be the same for any other individual, even within the same family.
Double Descent is a combination of matrilineal and patrilineal descent; both are followed concurrently. It is different from bilateral descent in the sense that it does not treat all four lines of affiliation, namely of FaFa, FaMo, MoFa and MoMo. A child in such a system is affiliated with FaFa and MoMo (paternal grandfather and maternal grandmother) only, and not with FaMo and MoFa. In this case, both unilinear rules—patrilineal and matrilineal—are applied at the same time for the same individual.
This should be differentiated from situations where both rules are in operation and employed for different individuals, as is the case in Indonesia. Here, a family with only a daughter and no son follows the principle of Ambil Anak, by which the daughter in a patrilineal family maintains her link with the father’s family even after marriage. The reverse is found in matrilineal societies of Indonesia. In Sula, daughters are affiliated with their mothers and sons with their fathers. Similarly, among the Macassar and Buginese of Celebes (now called Sulawesi), the affiliation of the first, third, and other odd numbered children is with the mother, and of even numbered offspring with their father. All these are, however, not instances of double descent.
The Ashanti tribe of Africa offers an example of double descent. It has matrisibs18 and patrisibs. Matrisibs are called Abusua, and Patrisibs are called Ntoro. Both are exogamous, and both observe specific food taboos. In this society, inheritance and succession to authority follow the female line, and the MoBr is dominant—this system is called Avunculate. But residence is patrilocal, inhabited by the patrilineal extended family. The matrisibs (Abusua) are not localized, but are united by a common ancestor cult.
The Todas are also known for their double descent. It is also prevalent amongst the aborigines of Australia.
Other Aspects of Kinship
In the previous section, we talked about the structural aspects of kinship and family. For purposes of comparison, it is essential to focus on structures. However, differences occur when these structures are seen in a cultural context. Family is a structural concept, but when we talk of, say, the Indian family, our attention is drawn towards the cultural definition, so that its distinctive character can be described.
Kinship systems differ in terms of their cultural characteristics. The differences can be traced along the following dimensions.
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