Traditionally, we have been appreciating the Aristotelian notion that a large middle class with a balanced socio-economic position is crucial for stable democracy. Similarly, the Lockean notion that majoritarian consensus is important for democratic consent and decision-making, has been an integral element of our political thought. J. S. Mill and Alex de Tocqueville, however, introduced an element of doubt and cautioned us to guard against ‘majoritarian tyranny’. What are the implications of the presence of a balanced middle class, majoritarian consensus or majoritarian tyranny for the functioning of democracy? Do they refer to presence of a public opinion that is behind the institutional and formal mechanism that democracy represents? Rousseau had talked about General Will and wanted it to be the potent-all force behind the civil society. When we talk about public opinion or Rousseau’s general will, what do we mean by it? Is it a mix of emotional and rational, sentimental and logical, consensual and fragmented and individual and collective feelings, thoughts, attitudes and orientations? Relationship between democracy and public opinion has always been a crucial matter of debate in political theory. Healthy public opinion has been considered essential for the functioning of a democracy. Contrarily, elitist theorists argue that there is no possibility of a public opinion as it is always manufactured. Schumpeter, Sartori and other supporters of the elitist theory of democracy hold this view of ‘manufactured’ public opinion in a democratic set-up. Notwithstanding contrary views, public opinion can be treated as the operating system on which democracy as the application software works. Democracy requires supportive and healthy public opinion for its functioning and stability.
Political culture as an analytical concept can be understood with respect to what traditionally has been regarded as public opinion. At times, however, we also refer to the behaviour of the people of a nation in terms of national character referring to the collective psychology of the people as if they have a common feeling, thought, behaviour and attitude. However, while public opinion is taken as a short-term and amorphous opinion not always grounded in values or social reality, political culture seeks a long-term and value-based explanation of people’s behaviour, attitudes, beliefs and orientation. The concept of national character is somewhat superficial, as it does not take into account the internal class and other divisions or for that matter, the exclusion of subdued minority.
Political culture refers to the social, psychological and behavioural environment within which citizens and voters act, react, conduct and express their political behaviour and orientation towards the political system and political issues. Whether people see authority of the state with allegiance and are participative in the political process or whether they are passive, protesting and apathetic towards the political system and its processes. Whether there is consensus or conflict amongst the public regarding policies, programmes and political aspects. Political culture implies emotional and attitudinal environment within which the political system operates. How beliefs, values, attitudes, inclinations, socio-psychological orientations of the people or a section of them define their relationship with political system and institutions. Whether people stand up and sing the national anthem when it is played or salute the national flag in deference when unfurled is a matter of orientation to the political system. Almond, Powell, Strom and Dalton in their Comparative Politics Today (2005) have described a nation’s political culture as ‘public attitudes towards politics and their role within the political system.’4
It may appear that political culture is similar to public opinion. However, political culture differs from public opinion in that the latter is more a reaction to certain policies and issues and that too of temporary nature. Political culture, on the other hand, is based on long-term values. For example, there may be public opinion on desirability of a uniform civil code in India and enthusiasts may claim to prescribe a uniform civil code legally for all communities irrespective of their religion. However, public opinion may not provide a long-term basis for a rational and secular attitude amongst the whole populace. While the public opinion may be in favour of a uniform civil code, this may not be based on a long term secularized attitude. In fact, demand for a uniform civil code maybe a demand of sub-culture. Similarly, public opinion may be against unstable coalition governments but widespread support to a competitive multi-party system can be found in the orientation of the people.
How do people view the political process, what importance do they attach to institutions such as election, political parties, parliament, representatives, etc.? Are voters inclined to vote on caste lines or are they individual decision-makers? Do they like regional issues to be given importance or do they prefer issues of national importance? Are people enthusiastic about elections or are they apathetic? Are people sharply divided in their preference on parliamentary versus presidential democracy? Is there consensus amongst the people, or at least a majority of them, on major political issues, or are they divided in their value preferences? All these questions are related to the socio-psychological aspects of individual political behaviour. People have different attitudes, orientation and ways of relating to political institutions, processes and events. Allan R. Ball defines political culture as ‘composed of the attitudes, beliefs, emotions and values of society that relate to the political system and political issues.5 Whether people’s orientation is supportive and cooperative towards the political processes and institutions or whether they are conflictual and resisting; whether there is consensus or division. Political culture as an analytical unit helps us understand these issues. Why do we say that some voters have behaved as ‘vote bank’ and some others have voted as per individual decisions. This may happen because different groups of people may relate themselves in a different way towards the political system.
Political culture as a unit of analysis emerged out of the behavioural revolution and is related to the discipline of political sociology. Study of political culture helps in knowing how individuals, groups and society relate to the political system, processes and various institutions. Political culture locates factors and processes that lead to stability, consensus, cooperation, acceptance of authority and obedience to the laws of the state. In a way, it aims at exploring consensus in the society and those conditions which are needed for a liberal democratic stability and order in the capitalist-industrial state. Political culture helps in understanding how different political systems work in different socio-psychological and behavioural environment. It provides a useful conceptual tool to compare different democracies by comparing how different political cultures produce different democratic experiences.
Political culture reflects conscious or sub-conscious, explicit or implicit attitudinal and behavioural aspects of public. Creation and sustenance of political culture is a long-term process. It is said that political culture reflects orientations, inclinations and tendencies of the public, which have its base in long-term values. For example, Gandhian means of protest may be more acceptable than a violent means because they were employed against the mighty British Empire successfully. Respect for authority, for example, is not manipulated in one day, rather it emerges right from the school days or childhood in the family in the form of discipline, queuing, obeying, etc. People may carry an attitude of respect for authority implicitly when they relate to political aspects also. This process of making people imbibe certain attitudes and behaviour is called political socialization about which we will deal later.
As a conceptual tool or analytical unit for understanding the political system, many political theorists have carried out studies of political culture. Gabriel Almond, Sidney Verba, G. Bingham Powell Jr, Lucian W. Pye, James Coleman and others have been pioneers in this area. Almond and Coleman (eds) The Politics of Developing Areas used the concept of political culture for comparative studies. In the introduction of the book, Almond explained the behavioural approach and introduced new concepts such as political system instead of ‘state’. He further explains, ‘instead of ‘public opinion’ and ‘citizenship training’, formal and rational in meaning, we prefer’ political culture’ and ‘political socialization’.’6 This means political culture is a behavioural concept and includes an informal socio-psychological process. Unlike public opinion, which is a currently held opinion, political culture refers to value-based orientation of the public.
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